The Social Security number (SSN) was created in 1936 for the sole purpose of tracking the earnings histories of U.S. workers, for use in determining Social Security benefit entitlement and computing benefit levels. Since then, use of the SSN has expanded substantially. Today the SSN may be the most commonly used numbering system in the United States. As of December 2008, the Social Security Administration (SSA) had issued over 450 million original SSNs, and nearly every legal resident of the United States had one. The SSN's very universality has led to its adoption throughout government and the private sector as a chief means of identifying and gathering information about an individual.
On December 17, 1935, the Board approved the 9-digit option (McKinley and Frase 1970, 323). The Board planned to use the year one attained age 65 as part of the SSN, thinking that once an individual attained age 65, the SSN would be reassigned to someone else. But at a meeting on January 23, 1936, the unemployment compensation delegates objected to the use of digits to signify age because they thought a number of workers would falsify their age. As a result, a new scheme adopted by the Board on February 14 consisted of a 3-digit area code, a 2-digit month of birth, and a 4-digit serial number.
city life 2008 edition serial number
From the beginning, the process of assigning SSNs included quality checks. SSA employees had to account for every number and explain any missing serial numbers fully. Also, the SS-5s and the OA-702s were coded separately by different clerks and were later compared as a quality check (Fay and Wasserman 1938, 24).
Under a few rare circumstances, SSA may legitimately issue a new SSN to a person with a prior SSN. The conditions are highly restrictive. SSA will assign a new SSN to a victim of harassment, abuse, or life endangerment if the individual provides evidence to substantiate the allegations. In addition, SSA may assign a new SSN to an individual who is a victim of SSN misuse, which means that the number has been used with criminal or harmful intent and the individual has been subjected to economic or personal hardship. Third party evidence is necessary for SSA to substantiate an individual's allegation of SSN misuse. However, an individual should consider changing his or her SSN only as a last resort because getting a new SSN may adversely impact one's ability to interact with federal agencies, state agencies, and employers, as all of the individual's records will be under the former SSN.
Also in 2002, SSA began to open offices dedicated entirely to handling Social Security number business. The first Social Security Card Center (SSCC) opened in Brooklyn, NY, in November 2002. Six more SSCCs have since opened: Las Vegas, NV, in April 2005; Jamaica, NY, in July 2006; Downtown and North Phoenix, AZ, in October 2007; Orlando, FL, in March 2008; and Sacramento, CA, in November 2008. Generally, any individuals who live in the service area of a Card Center and need an original or replacement card must visit the Card Center rather than their local field office.
The Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (IRTPA) of 2004 (Public Law (P.L.) 108-458) placed limits on the number of replacement Social Security cards an individual can receive. Beginning with cards issued on or after December 17, 2005, individuals may only receive three Social Security cards per year and 10 in a lifetime, with certain exceptions, such as correcting errors or name changes.
On November 18, 2008, President George W. Bush issued EO 13478 rescinding the 1943 EO requiring all federal agencies to use the SSN as an identifier. Then in December, the FTC (2008) issued a plea to companies, schools, and other private entities to find better ways to authenticate identities than using the SSN. State and local entities have begun to delete SSNs on electronic versions of public records. Congress has also considered legislation that would require the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services to use an alternative to the SSN as the Medicare claim number. Even SSA, which created the SSN for its program use, has ceased to print the full SSN on some of its correspondence with beneficiaries (Lockhart 2002). The agency now advises individuals to keep their Social Security card in a safe place and not to carry it with them (SSA 2007a).
But if you ever need to use your warranty and have Apple repair your Mac, you'll need that serial number. And if your computer is ever lost or stolen, the police will care about the serial number too.
The easiest way to find a Mac's serial number is to click the Apple logo at the top left corner of the screen, then click About This Mac. You'll find the serial number in the "Overview" tab of the window that opens.
If your computer is turned off or won't turn on, you can flip your Mac over and find the serial number physically printed on the hardware. Look for the text beginning with "Designed by Apple in California," and then look at the lowest line of writing, where you'll find the serial number.
RI.gov maintains a list of Rhode Island's 39 cities and towns, in the "more info" section of each city or town you'll find phone numbers for local police departments. If your local city or town is not listed above, please contact your local police department for VIN verification fees and time of operation.
From a disability perspective, what might a vision for the "good city" look like at the start of the twenty-first century? What does the idea of "inclusive city life" mean? This paper argues that the city is under-theorized by Disability Studies, and therefore suggests the field needs to reflect more about city life; examine the interconnections between urban settlement and disablement; and imagine the possibilities, within specific social contexts, for enhanced inclusion and citizenship in city spaces. I use Michael Ignatieff's work on the solidarity of strangers and Iris Marion Young's conception of city life as "a being together of strangers in openness to group differences" to examine ideas about social differences, democratic politics, and inclusion in the public realms of urban Canada.
Industrial societies are urban-dominated societies where organizational networks and institutional structures controlled in urban centres significantly affect and shape most of life for most people (Greer, 1989). Of Canada's three levels of public government, urban governance has received far less attention than the federal government and provincial governments by academics, though that appears to be changing in political science and public administration (Andrew et al, 2002; Bradford, 2004; Hiller, 2005; Lorinc, 2006; McAllister, 2004). In the advocacy efforts of the disability community and the academic analyses in Disability Studies, the city and urban politics remain relatively overlooked and under-theorized as a form of economic and social organizations, a site for policy making, and a fundamental spatial context of everyday human relations.
In this paper, I wish to identify and briefly examine four such viewpoints on city life. My examination is of perspectives on the relations among urban society, the notion of strangers in cities, and social exclusion/inclusion, particularly as they relate to people with disabilities.
Urban life has always had supporters and detractors. Differing perspectives to understanding cities derive from two analytical dimensions: one distinguishes between studies that are basically pessimistic toward the nature of urbanism and other studies that are relatively more positive about city life; the second dimension distinguishes between studies that chronologically and or conceptually focus on modernist notions of urbanization and those that emphasize post-modernism and identity politics. The characteristics of these two dimensions, when joined, produce four general categories of viewpoints on cities.
The first perspective I call Lonely Crowds: this is the original view on urbanization first expressed in sociology and echoed in other fields that urban life inevitably results in alienation and social isolation. People with disabilities are commonly ignored in this approach. The second is called Vibrant Communities: this is a more positive look at the features of diverse neighbourhoods and urban villages located within large cities. While this perspective celebrates diversities in city life, again people with disabilities are largely overlooked. The third, Excluded Others: this is a post-modernist critique of urban society which emphasizes how many groups, including the disabled, are constructed as "Others" who are then often segregated and subjected to coercive controls. The fourth perspective is Diverse Civic Publics: this too is a post-modernist view of urbanity, though one fairly optimistic at root about the potential for recognizing the needs and rights of social groups, including people with disabilities.
Perspectives 1 (Lonely Crowds) and 3 (Excluded Others), one rooted in modernity, the other in post-modernism, both regard urbanization and cities as producing exclusions extensively, enforcing numerous forms of social closure, and exacerbating social distances amongst different groups (Hughes, 2002). By contrast, Perspectives 2 (Vibrant Communities) and 4 (Diverse Civic Publics) present a positive recognition of diversities in urban communities and, on the whole, are optimistic about the possibility of including assorted groups within mainstream city life.
Riesman (1955) coined the concept "the lonely crowd" in reference to middle class people employed in white collar work living in larger cities and metropolitan centres in the United States. Riesman warned that people are or can be lonely in a crowd, even of one's associates, if they are not attentive to their own feelings and aspirations, and fail to pursue actively their individual autonomy and social freedom. A generation later, the popular sociologist Vance Packard (1974) warned that big-city life in North America was increasing anonymity and isolation; eroding old familiar neighbourhoods; and weakening stable communities within cities. 2ff7e9595c
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